Sir Neville Poole (of Charlton Park) one of the members for Malmesbury was at that moment just arrived at Marlborough, and was no doubt engaged in organizing the small body of militia appointed for its defence, whose numbers exceeded not one hundred and fifty. On the 25th Lord Digby suddenly made his appearance on the green before the town, called Marlborough Common, and sounded a parley, which having been responded to, Mr. Vincent Goddard emerged from the ranks of the royalists as the King's representative, while from the opposite side, Sir Neville Poole advanced in the name of the parliament. Sir Neville having left orders to enlist as many of the countrymen coming to the market as could be induced to take up arms for a limited period, prolonged the term of the treaty till his volunteers had swelled to nearly 700, and then returned this answer: "That the King's Majesty, provided he were attended in royal and not in warlike wise, should be as welcome to that town as ever was prince to people; but as to delivering up the good town of Marlborough to such a traitor as Lord Digby, or admitting any of his traitorous rabble within their lines, they declared they would sooner die, notwithstanding his threatenings to batter the place with his artillery which he pretended was at hand." Ten of his musketeers then advanced, and having discharged their pieces with some effect, retreated to their lines.

Lord Digby remained on the ground during the day, doubtful what course to pursue, but eventually fell back upon Albourn (Aldbourne) where he intended to quarter for the night; but so elated were the Marlborough men with their transient success, that they sallied out in the dark, broke into the royalists' quarters, compelling them to march off at midnight to Wantage, and crowned their adventure by securing the person of Mr. Vincent Goddard, with whom they marched home in triumph.

This Mr. Vincent Goddard (judging by corresponding dates) was the second son of John Goddard of Upham, Standen Hussey, Cliffe-Pypard, and other places, by his second wife Alice, daughter of Thomas Goddard, Esq., of Okebourn St. George, by Jane daughter of John Ernley, of Cannings. He would be about fifty years of age at the time of the above occurrence. Likely enough he is the same person mentioned afterwards in 1655 as a commissioner under Cromwell for the county of Berks. Many a nobler name than Goddard recognized the great man when he appeared.

The inhabitants were by this time become sufficiently alive to the fact, that their proximity to Oxford, and the temptations to booty which their flourishing market offered, were circumstances which would at all times render them liable to visitations from the same quarter. Before the next market day arrived therefore, urgent application was made for assistance and advice at the head-quarters of Lord Essex, the parliamentary commander-in-chief, who then lay at Windsor. He sent to aid them in fortifying the place, two Scottish officers, a sergeant-major, and a captain; one of whom, Colonel Ramsay, had commanded Essex's left wing at Edgehill. Under their guidance the main entrances were barricaded, and horn-works thrown up northward of the town. These consisted of pairs of demi-bastions, each pair being united with a curtain. The river appears to have been regarded as a sufficient defence on the south. From subsequent events we may also conjecture that they appointed "Lord Seymour's mound" (as it was called) as a post of retreat in the event of the town itself being taken. Lord Seymour's house, situated at the foot of this mound, must have been regarded by its owner as a place of great strength, since, though standing in the midst of a disaffected population, he had ventured to leave therein his lady and daughter, guarded only by a few domestics. Lord Digby's first coming was so unexpected, that the ladies had not time to quit the place; and when Ramsay found it necessary to fill their house with his musketeers, they found themselves prisoners of war.

In the House of Commons, meanwhile, Mr. Franklyn, one of the members for Marlborough, read a letter, describing Lord Digby's approach, and also the capture of Mr. Vincent Goddard and the Ladies Seymour: whereupon the House sent down a message, "that the said prisoners should be kept at Marlborough, in safe custody j" and at the same time, "Ordered, that Mr. Jennour and Mr. Smith should write to the deputy lieutenants of the county of Wilts, to require them to issue out so much money, upon account, out of the proposition monies of this county, to the forces in Marlborough, as they should think fit; and to make public announcement that all persons willing to deliver provisions and supplies upon ticket, to the soldiers there serving, should have the assurance of the House for repayment of the same."

Franklyn was most probably himself the bearer of this commission to the county authorities, for it is evident from the narrative that he lost no time in repairing to the post of danger, and co-operating with the Scottish engineers. Having represented his constituents in parliament, he now hastened to defend them in person.

Lord Wilmot, Royalist ordered to Marlborough

Various troops of the King's were drawn together before the next Saturday arrived, in order to make an overwhelming attack on the devoted town. Wilmot, the lieutenant-general of horse, united his dragoons with those of Lord Digby, which together constituted a force of 4000 men. Writing to Prince Rupert on the 1st of December, Wilmot describes himself as having reached Abingdon, on his way to Wantage, but complains loudly of the heedless manner in which he and his troops had been sent forward," without any forecast or design as to quarters." On the following day he reports his army as having reached Wantage, on their way to Marlborough. To co-operate with Wilmot, Lord Grandison and Colonel Grey brought up two regiments of cavalry from Basingstoke. A writer from that town to one of the London journals says, "Here lay my Lord Grandison's troop of horse, and Colonel Grey's dragoons: we had employment enough to dress the meat and find drink for them. Last Friday they went away, and, as we hear, are gone to Marlborough, and many say they heard the guns go off very fiercely." Signed H. W.

On Saturday, then, the 3d of December, the enemy again appeared in sight, but their full complement not being made up, they were observed to be merely hovering about the town on the neighbouring hills, "keeping," as our authority has it, "out of the breath of the town muskets." The market folk with their horses were now compelled, by Franklyn and the two Scots, to remain in the town, and assist in its defence. Indeed they could hardly have acted otherwise, for it would have been the height of imprudence to venture forth with their teams while the cavaliers beset the roads.

Sunday, 4th December. Lord Grandison and Colonel Grey arrived from Basingstoke, and having come through the forest, were descried to the south and east of the town, where they were immediately assailed by a corps of musketeers, who issued out of the town, and chased in the direction of the Okcbourns; probably crossing the river at Mildenhall, to unite with their associates, who lay at one or other of the first-mentioned villages. During the ensuing night, some of their scouts approached the town, and fired at the sentinels stationed at an advanced post. These latter, in return, discharged their pieces at random, and actually killed two of their midnight invaders, as was afterwards acknowledged by the enemy. The town was for a short time thrown into considerable alarm by the report. In the morning they picked up from the spot, a gauntlet, a cap, and a bloody handkerchief.

Monday, 5th December. On this day the grand assault was made. The horse, under Lords Grandison and Wentworth, and Colonel Grey's dragoons, faced the town all along the north side, while Lord Digby and Sir Daniel O'Neile prepared to invest the southern approaches. In this attitude the cavalry remained stationary for some time, till Colonel Blake with the infantry and heavy artillery should arrive. Two and three pounder shots were the first discharges, but owing to the declivity of the ground on which Marlborough stands, and the attack being made from the north, where most of the houses are out of sight, and consequently beneath the range of the guns, the shots flew over the houses without doing any damage. Colonel Blake now brought up and stationed large pieces of eighteen and twenty pounds, but from the same cause they were comparatively unserviceable. In fact it was afterwards stated, that not ten shillings worth of damage had been done by the long guns to any one house. It is true the royalists might have carried their artillery across the Kennet, and bombarded the town from the height on the south, where every house is visible; but this would only have been to destroy the place, without facilitating an entrance, for the river was a far greater obstacle than the horn-works on the common. Such a plan too would have been a work of considerable time and difficulty. The object of the royalists seems rather to have been by a grand demonstration of strength, to overawe the inhabitants into immediate submission, and thus avoid the necessity of fighting. With this view, having captured a spy (as Clarendon informs us), they paraded the army before him, and while he looked for nothing short of hanging, they gave him his life and liberty, on condition that he should return to the town, and publish abroad the numbers and gallantry of the King's forces, and the folly of attempting to resist them. Whether this incident took place on the day of the siege or previously, does not appear.

To return to the battle. 

The defenders of the works on the north-east were now assailed by three parties. Colonel Blake's infantry got within musket shot, under cover of some hedges, and being seconded by Lord Rivers's foot and Colonel Grey's dragoons, a brief contest was maintained with small arms, which resulted in the royalists retiring with considerable loss. On the northwest Sir William Pennyman's and Sir James Pennyman's foot and Usher's dragoons planted a battery, and attacked a post defended by only twenty-four men, but with no better success; while their great guns only pierced two or three houses in the rear. This desultory mode of assault lasted three hours, during all which time not one of the defenders fell. But at this juncture a barn containing a body of musketeers was fired by a shell, and immediately afterwards a house behind it, where their principal strength lay. This body commencing a retreat, the royalists burst the lines, outflanked a party who still lay in their works, and dashed into the centre of the town by a passage which led through one of the great inns, crying out, "A town! a town for King Charles!" The foot having speedily cleared the way by removing some of the barricades, the cavalry charged in at both ends of the town; but the place was not yet their own, for an obstinate fire was maintained from the windows, and behind the barricades which had been raised in all the streets. While the inhabitants were still fighting, many women were seen assisting in extinguishing the flames and encouraging their husbands to stand to their posts. But the enemy having entered, all discipline was at an end. The market people, who had been induced to carry arms, only bred confusion and dismay among the more regular troops. Many threw their firelocks into the river and escaped out of the town. Captain Diggs, one of the Marlborough officers, refused to act against the royalists. Ramsay, with a handful of musketeers, got into one of the churches and for some time made a successful resistance, but was at last taken, with several of his officers. Sir Neville Poole, with the halberds and pike men, retreated to Lord Seymour's Mound, carrying with them Lady Seymour and her daughter. On the top of the mound they fixed two images, dressed in white aprons and black hoods (the costume of the day), to represent the ladies, and sent word to the enemy that if they approached the mound they would witness the destruction of the fair prisoners. This threat was probably not needed, the royalists appearing to think that any further fighting was unnecessary, as they already had the town in their hands, and were proceeding to the more congenial work of pillage. Clarendon's statement is, that "so many were killed out of the window that fire was put to the next houses, so that a good part of the town was burned, and then the soldiers entered, doing less execution than could reasonably be expected; but what they spared in blood they took in pillage, the soldiers inquiring little who were friends or foes." This is true only in part, for a great deal of the burning took place when resistance was at an end.

Property that was not immediately available was ruthlessly destroyed. Books were piled in heaps and burnt. In the case of one bookseller, supposed to be John Hammond, a bonfire was fed for three hours with his stock in trade. Other consumed articles are catalogued as follows:—" Hogsheads of oil, vessels of strong waters, vinegar, aqua vitae, treackle, spices, and fruits." One miscreant applied fire to a shop stored with oil, hemp, and tar, but a neighbour put it out. Others placed fire under the pent-house of a woollen-draper's shop, but this also was extinguished. Goods were sold to the first chapman that offered a price; of which, bibles (much more expensive articles in those days than at present) are instanced as having fetched only sixpence and twelve pence a piece. Tables were slashed, windows broken, horses stabled in parlours, and decently clad persons compelled to exchange garments with the common soldiers; a fine opportunity for men whom Clarendon himself terms "the King's half-starved troops," and who, he admits, often marched without shoes or stockings. In short, they were just what one narrator of these events styles them, "all hungry, gaping thieves," let loose upon society in the name of the King. That society, it is true, had challenged the King's authority, and had therefore only to complain of the fortune of war.

But we have not yet exhausted the list of their calamities. The town-house was broken up, and the chests of records, court-books, deeds, and leases of the borough lands, rifled and dissipated, and the last charter carried off. The market wains were loaded with £200 worth of cheese and other goods, and together with 120 prisoners, sent off to Oxford. Forty of these prisoners were inhabitants of Marlborough, and the following are some of their names: John Franklyn the member, Robert Brown, Thomas Hunt, John Bayly's son, Robert Bryant, William Bryant, William Tarrant, Joseph Blisset, and Lewis Crapon. The loss to the town altogether was calculated at fifty-three dwelling-houses, seven barns full of corn, and goods to the amount of £50,000, besides a large amount of small arms and ammunition and four pieces of cannon.

Nevertheless it was affirmed that "not one of those who stood in this noble cause, of showed themselves actors therein, had his house burned, though attempted in some cases." After the departure of the cavaliers, the surrounding country sent in a supply of provisions to the sufferers who were left behind, and relieved 2000 persons.

The above account is derived from the contemporary newspaper reports, and from Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, but principally from a pamphlet published in the following year, entitled 'Marlborough's Miseries, or England turned Ireland by the Lord Digby and Daniel O'Neale; written by T. B., W. B., O. B., and J. H.; dedicated to all England, 1643,' 4to. A few further particulars may be added from the same source.

While the fighting was going on in the neighbourhood of Lord Seymour's house, one of his serving-men was sent out to inform the besiegers that Lady Seymour was within, and desired quarter; to which the royalists made no other reply than "Shoot him, shoot the rogue." Upon which he prudently retreated with all convenient speed, and clapped the door to; but they fired through it, and shot him in the thigh. This was regarded, by the opposite party, as a just retribution on the man, as he had been heard to exult in the prospect of "a fearful cloud which he foresaw was coming over the town;" and when the enemy were entering, he had exclaimed, "Now has the King commenced reaping his harvest." Another story is told of a tradesman, from whom one of the officers endeavoured to extract the sum of £400, but who declared that he had not £100 to give him; and pleaded for exemption from pillage, on the score of having a family of eighteen children to support.

The numbers which the royalists had lost, during the attack, was carefully concealed from the Marlborough people. In addition to several which they buried, before their departure, in the churchyards, they threw a considerable number into a deep well, about three furlongs off, and into several graves, which the townspeople afterwards had the curiosity to open, in order to satisfy themselves of the number; from all which premises it was computed that two hundred, at least, had fallen on the part of the King.

Neither Clarendon nor the authority quoted above make any further mention of Sir Neville Poole's defence of Lord Seymour's House, during the period that the royalists remained at Marlborough. It is therefore to be presumed, either that he continued to hold out for several days, or that he made his escape, during the night-time, carrying with him his distinguished prisoners. Lord Seymour, himself, appears to have remained with the King, at Oxford, during the expedition. The royalists remained at Marlborough till the Thursday following. It was expected that they would have made it one of their garrisons; but, on the night of Thursday, the trumpets were suddenly heard to sound a retreat, and in a few minutes the townspeople were unexpectedly relieved of their presence. Succour was at last arriving, but it was now too late. Lord Essex, so it was stated, was not made sufficiently aware of the magnitude of the enemy's force sent towards Marlborough. When more exact information arrived, he despatched Colonels Brown, Middleton, and Hurry, to its assistance; who arriving on Thursday evening, and ascertaining that the major part of the enemy had got away with the plunder, and were as far as Wantage-Gap, on their way back to Oxford, made a demonstration on the party remaining at Marlborough, which induced them to quit in the precipitate manner above described, and follow in the rear of their companions. The movements of this relieving force will be exhibited in the following very characteristic letter sent to London, from one of Colonel Brown's soldiers, the day after, viz., on the 9th December, 1642.

"Loving Friend,

"It much troubles me to hear of that lameness which is upon you, which hath brought so much pain with it; the Lord in his due time, I hope, will deliver you from both, and in the meantime give you patience to submit. I received the sad news of it in your letter, on Wednesday, as we were upon our march from Oakingham to Newbury, where we quartered "Wednesday night; and from whence we intended to relieve Marlborough, which had stood out against the enemy valiantly for three or four days, slaying divers of them, with little loss on their side; nor yielding the town until it was fired in three or four places; which when the enemy had taken it, they plundered all the town, and took some threescore of the honest people prisoners, and, like the Irish rebels, most barbarously dealt with them. It might have been prevented, if the solicitations of Mr. White, Mr. Pitt's friend, for three or four days together, of my lord general and the council of war, could have prevailed to have sent us forward to their relief in time; but when it was too late, then we were sent. On Thursday we heard the town was taken, and that 3000 of the enemy were got to Wantage. The same day, about eleven or twelve, we marched towards the town, and drew up in a field before it, into the ankles in clay. About nine or ten, in the evening, we fell in upon them; but not knowing their strength or fortification, the greater part of them fled, and amongst them the Lord Digby. The night was so exceedingly dark, tempestuous, and wet, that we could not possibly get intelligence of their strength, till some twenty of our horse were sent in amongst them, who slew their sentinel, charged a whole troop, and safely returned with the loss of only one man. Then six or seven companies of dragoons were sent in, who, every step, went up nearly to the tops of their boots; and yet went on with such courage and cheerfulness, though exceedingly wet, weary, and dirty, as though they had been in the most delightful garden-walks. After them, some troops of horse; but, before this could be done, the most part of the enemy escaped away. We slew five or six men, took a captain and about thirty prisoners, whom we released, on coming back, to save being troubled with them. That night we returned back to Newbury; all the night being exceedingly wet and blustering, so that we had twenty-four hours march and service, such as those that have been twenty years in services abroad, never had the like. Yet we are all well, blessed be God, only many of our horses fail us, and, by reason of it, some of our men are taken prisoners; the enemy lying, in most parts, round about us, and, with their scouts, take some of our men whose horses are tired. We are like to have a very hard service of it, if it continue out the winter, as I doubt it will. We have watched three or four nights together; but for victuals we have hitherto had enough, and never yet wanted any. I had almost forgot, wc took the Lord Digby's coach and horses, and their carriages, arms, and powder; but were constrained to throw away the powder, and took the muskets; and one of them, that was slain, died with a fearful oath upon his mouth, swearing that he would see the parliament hanged before he would yield; and with that one of our dragoons shot him. Good store of pillage, that they had gotten from Marlborough, our men recovered."

The above letter is dated from Newbury; and is stated, by the journalist who published it, to be written "by a man of worth, not written by any pot-poet, but by an honest, truehearted citizen, who serves more in conscience than in covetousness." Now, though this "true-hearted citizen," or at least his editor, sees fit to scorn the office of the "pot-poet," yet it curiously enough turns out that there was, after all, some such character in his troop, John Ward by name, who, describing himself as an eye-witness, travels over the same ground in the following heroics:—

"When Redding could no longer entertain Our enemies, and they were forced again To march away, lest meagre famine should Their haughty spirits (pined with want) new mould j Into three parts they did themselves divide; One part in Redding staid, another hied To Oxford, and to Marlborough the third, At whose fierce presence all the country stirred. Yet they with much ado entered the town, Having first burnt some of their houses down.

"That trusty town they plundered in a rage, 'Cause they opposed them; that ('tis thought) an age Of years can hardly ever it repair, To make it half so flourishing and fair.

"This heavy news soon to the General's ear Was brought by some that did inhabit there, Who being moved at the relation, sent Well near four thousand horse incontinent To encounter with the thieves; and ere that we Had marched two days, the spoiling enemy We had espied one part of them, for they Divided were, after they took the prey.

"To Wantwich [Wantage] this part went, when we had ta'en (Had we made better haste) both horse and man; But being dark and wet and late i' th' night, We could not close them in, nor could we fight; Besides we wanted good instructions [information] too, And for the present knew not what to do.

"These lets gave the enemy a large occasion To get without the reach of our invasion, Ere we could reach the town; yet some we took, Poor ragged rogues, as ere eye on did look.

"A great deal of their plunder there they lost And left behind, being in their journey crossed: Our men got horses there, there store of cloth, Some fine, some coarse, linen and woollen both; Thence sheets and shirts and pewter and such gear, Our soldiers did upon their horsebacks bear."

The poet in similar strain then recounts the march to Andover, and thence to Winchester, with the storming of the latter place, and closes with an appeal to his brethren in arms to cast aside all petty causes of schism, and unite in the good cause. The poem is entitled " The Taking of Winchester," and was published 20th January, 1648. The writer was probably a native of Tewkesbury, for his dedication is made to the worshipful Thomas Clarke and Thomas Cart, bailiffs of that town.

Thus it appears that the poor Marlborough folk were left pretty much to their own resources. A relieving party which arrives in the dark, fires off a few shots in the dark, and then, laden with plunder, marches away in the dark, was not exactly the succour suited to their impoverished condition. At the best it was but scaring away the gorged vulture. The fault evidently lay at head-quarters. Seven months later, Lord Essex, by another exhibition of the same spirit of indifference, occasioned the rout of his party on Roundway Down, near Devizes. In anticipation of the storm that was coming upon them, the Marlborough townsmen had despatched a deputation to Bristol, to purchase cannon, but such was the deplorable state of the roads during winter in those days, that an extract from a private letter shows us that they were negotiating the affair in Bristol a fortnight after the town was taken. The letter in question was written by John Ball, of Bristol, to James Nicholls, a merchant in Fenchurch Street, London.

December 18  1642... . "This day [certain] Marlborough men bought of our men two pieces of ordnance, of some good weight, for the defence of that town. Yet such was the malignancy of the ill-affected members here [at Bristol], that divers came, and got porters and themselves together, and threw them down out of the cart; although the man that bought them had the mayor's warrant for carrying them out. But it is feared they will come too late, the news being here that part of Marlborough is burnt by the cavaliers, and that they are stripped of all, and left most miserable people. The Lord avert them from ruining his place, and all others, if it be his will."

The writer was quite correct in supposing that the cannon would come too late. There is even an entry on the "Commons' journals," dated some three months later, and apparently referring to this affair, which seems to show that the agent, "Master Bailey," failed to obtain remuneration from his impoverished townsmen, and was compelled, in consequence, to appeal to the parliament. The entry is to the effect that on the 7th March, 1643, a committee was named to examine (besides other matter) "The charges made by one Master Bailey, for two pieces of ordnance and ammunition supplied by him to the town of Marlborough."

It is not improbable that it was owing to Lord Grandison's influence with his brother officers, that no attack was made on Lord Seymour's house during the fight at Marlborough, as such a proceeding might have issued in the destruction of his friend's property, or the death of the Ladies Seymour. Soon after quitting the town, Grandison had the misfortune to lose his troop of 500 horse, who were pursued to Winchester by a larger body of parliamentarians, and there captured, a circumstance which was regarded at Oxford as a serious set-off against the taking of Marlborough. He ended his career at the siege of Bristol in the following year, where he was so severely wounded that he died shortly after, greatly regretted by the King

We must now examine a few dates, in order to settle, if possible, a somewhat curious question. Upon the authority of a solitary pamphlet, we are called on to believe, that on or about the 12th of December, that is to say, only four days after the cavaliers had deserted the sacked and ruined town, not only did the place sustain a renewed siege, but a sanguinary conflict took place upon the common between Prince Rupert, who, at the head of 5000 troops, was assaulting the town, and Sergeant Major Skippon, who, with an equal force, had been despatched from Windsor to intercept the movement. The question is, are we to regard it as another and more decorated version of the action already detailed as performed by the relieving party on the 8th, under Colonel Brown; or is the internal evidence of its being the record of a distinct and subsequent transaction substantiated by statements from other quarters?

That an event of such magnitude should have hitherto escaped the notice of the general historian; nay, that the very newspapers so eloquent on the first siege, should appear to be silent on the second, might almost awaken the suspicion that the entire narrative was a forgery, invented to amuse the Londoners with false hopes, and keep the Parliament's friends in heart. One would almost doubt whether there were any thing left in Marlborough to defend, or, in the eyes of cavaliers, anything worth striking so hard a blow to obtain. Nor is it easy to imagine that the militia should have reassembled in the town, and the defences been re-organized so immediately after the desolation of the place on the 5th. Moreover, a want of truthfulness in the narrative seems to be betrayed by the absence of any the most distant allusion to the first siege, and the refusal of the inhabitants to surrender, being prompted by a reference to the disasters, not of themselves, but of " their neighbours." Neither has the pamphlet any printed date as to time, though there is a date supplied in MS. by a contemporary hand. And, finally, there iB evidence that only two or three days previously, Rupert was at a considerable distance, viz., at Worcester, with his 5000 men. Such are the facts against the authenticity of the book; let us see what can be said in its favour.

The Tract describing the affair at Worcester, and which came out on the 13th, as " A great Victory won by the Parliament's Forces over Prince Rupert," states in its introductory remarks, that on the 9th December, which it will be remembered was after the cavaliers left Marlborough, a council of war was held at Oxford, when it was determined to divide the royal army into several brigades, and send them out into the neighbouring counties to levy contributions;—that Lord Essex, suspecting their intentions, did on the 8th December, "in a wise and secret way, send 7000 horse and foot towards Marlborough and Buckinghamshire,"- five regiments to Reading, and the rest of the army to pursue the King's forces in other counties and places"—that Rupert nevertheless stole at the head of 5000 men from Oxford to Worcester, where he unexpectedly encountered a body of Parliamentarians, who chased him from the gates, and thus gained the "great victory" aforesaid.

Now, all this perfectly tallies with the date of the second siege at Marlborough, if we suppose Rupert to have marched direct upon this place from Worcester, a circumstance by no means improbable, as he expected an easy triumph. His marauding spirit was ever at work. It was said of him that "whoever lay still, Rupert was abroad." An exact diary of his movements would of course decide the point, but where does such a journal exist? Warburton's Memoirs of Rupert and the Cavaliers does not aid us, though it is possible that the correspondence of the prince's secretary, Colonel Bennet, might. Lord Essex's sending troops from Windsor on the 8th may seem at first sight to point to the relieving party already noticed; but if the dates be correct, that party must have been sent on the 6th, for they were between Oakingham and Newbury on the 7th, on their way hither. From the hesitation to engage, we may further gather that they were a smaller body than Skippon's; and by their own confession, they performed nothing creditable. Then, as to the writer's apparent ignorance of all the events of the first siege: this is a circumstance which might almost tempt us to place his battle before, and not after, the siege, only that there is no parallel evidence of any troops entering Wiltshire from the period of the affair at Brentford, in the autumn of 1642, till the sack of Marlborough in the winter. But may we not accept as a fair solution of this difficulty, that, though Skippon's messenger knew all about the first siege, the scribe who dressed up the story for publication in London might not be so well informed? Persons who draw upon their imaginations to embellish-a true story, will often undermine their own credit by some accidental slip. And here we seem to have an illustration of such a fatality. The narrative smells less of gunpowder than it does of the lamp. It is the production of a practised penny-a-liner rather than the short energetic dispatch of the General, and is vitiated by a want of veracity, not so much perhaps in its facts, as in the writer himself. Taking the pamphlet therefore for what it purports to be, it supplies an interesting account of Philip Skippon's first transaction in arms for the parliament in this county. It exhibits him very much in the character of the soldier of fortune, so delightfully portrayed by Sir Walter Scott in the person of Dugald Dalgetty; carrying out the military lessons learnt in foreign war, under Gustavus Adolphus, the jlion of the North: haranguing his troops with the air of a hero ready for victory or death (no doubt after an authorized form), and executing his coup-de-main by the Swedish stratagem of breaking the enemy by a dense body in the form of a wedge. Nor will the admirer of Dalgetty fail to recognize in the following account, much of that dry phraseology which heightens the humour of the Scottish cavalier. It was from the adventures of such soldiers as Skippon, who, having commenced their career in the Low Countries, were invited over to England when the war broke out, that Daniel de Foe derived his 'Memoirs of a Cavalier,' of which hero, the Dugald Dalgetty of Scott is a Shaksperian adaptation.

That no incidental beauty in the narrative may be risked, and in order that the reader may be in full possession of the means of estimating its internal worth, it will be proper to present the entire pamphlet in its own phraseology (merely modernizing a few cases of spelling).

'A True Relation of the approach of Prince Rupert to that good town of Marlborough, and how he was resisted by the Townsmen, with the aid of the faithful Mihtia of Wiltshire, till Sergeant Major Skippon arrived there with some of his Excellency, the Earl of Essex's, forces, with which he gave the said Prince Rupert battle, and obtained of him and his Cavaliers a glorious victory. With a speech made by the said Sergeant Major Skippon to his soldiers, before the said battle, truly certified in a letter from thence to a Citizen of good credit in London, and so published. London: printed for John Matthews.'

"PRINCE RUPERT after his departure from Oxford with his cavaliers, being accompanied with some five thousand horse and foot, drew towards Wiltshire, which county, having been very faithful to the parliament's commands and just proceedings, was therefore more odious to him and his malignants, who according to their accustomed practice, plundering and spoiling all the country in their passage, arrived at last before the good town of Marlborough, one of the most signal places of the whole county of Wiltshire. The townsmen hearing of their approach, were neither improvident nor unmindful of their safety; but before the storm came were well provided to impugne their entrance; having, besides the trained soldiers of their own town, drawn in to their aid at least 400 able soldiers of the adjacent territory, of which there was one troop of horse: and so, casting up, as well as the time would permit, some few horn-works towards the enemy, who was within a day's march, and encouraging one another to defend their lives and liberties, in good posture of war they stood expecting the approach of the enemy; and, according to their expectation, had him the next morning by nine of the clock, within musket shot of the town; the cavaliers having scarce the patience (making themselves sure of the victory) to forbear giving an onslaught on the works, till Prince Rupert sent a message to the town to this effect, viz.: That they should, without delay, lay down their arms, and yield the town to his dispose for the use of his majesty, and so receive fair and peaceful usage; otherwise he threatened them with all the imminent ruins of approaching destruction. The townsmen to this brief message made as brief a reply: That, for his Majesty, they did in all duty acknowledge themselves his loyal and obedient subjects, and so would live and die; hut, for surrendering the town to Prince Rupert, they could neither in honesty do it, being pre-engaged to secure it for the use of the King and parliament; nor with safety, by their neighbours' harms being sufficiently taught to beware of the merciless disposition of his cavaliers; and so dismissing the messenger, they instantly saluted the vaunt-courriers of the Prince's forces with a cheerful and deadly volley of musket shot, which lighting among the thickest of his horse squadrons, sent divers of them with their riders to the earth. The Prince, galled with this unexpected resistance and sudden charge, rode up himself to the very ditches of the works, discharging his petronels among our men. His cavaliers also, following their leader with like desperate resolution, gave fire into our works; but thanks be to God, without any great loss of our part. The Marlborough men shooting their muskets with good aim and dexterous courage, doing all they could possible to impeach the cavaliers' intrenching, and planting their ordnance, of which they had some pieces, knowing that if they could resist them that day and the ensuing night, the next day they should have rescue; being certainly informed that his Excellency the Earl of Essex (careful of the safeguard of those provinces) had consigned that way, with sufficient forces, that valiant and prudent soldier, Sergeant Major Skippon. The Prince, suspectless, or at least careless of that, drew his foot into the medley, who endeavoured, by the example of the cavaliers (who for that purpose had quitted their horses), to get through the ditches and scale the works, which they attempted with all the fury of desperate ruffians, but were still beaten down and repulsed with loss by the Marlborough militia; and though the dead bodies of their men almost had filled the ditch on that side, they strove to mount upon the carcases of their companions to the vcrtice of their works. Cut they still hasted to their own destruction, falling in such numbers that Prince Rupert's courage being convinced by his judgment, and the night approaching, he commanded the retreat to be sounded, meaning to take the benefit of the night to entrench his forces and mount his cannon; his pioneers, most part of the said night, like moles casting up their trenches in the darkness: those in the works keeping very careful watch for fear of surprise, knowing well that their solicitous enemy would omit no opportunity that might be advantageous to their ruins.

The Prince's men in the mean time having brought their works to an indifferent forward plight, having raised a bulwark, on which they had mounted four pieces of their cannon. And so the night was over-passed, with much care and devotion on our mens' part, and with much drunkenness and riot on theirs, who were carousing full bowls to their imaginary and hopedfor victory. But it is ill sharing the lion's spoils before the beast be dead. Another account they were to make, more work they had to do, more enemies to encounter, ere they departed. For Sergeant Major General Skippon, with at least 5000 able soldiers, two regiments of which were dragoons, by his Excellency's appointment coasting those countries, had pursued Prince Rupert within a day's march; and having certain intelligence that he was set down before Marlborough, hasted thither with all speed and silence, marching all the night. Some half hour before daylight he recovered the heath or plain near Marlborough where the enemy was quartered, and seizing on divers of the Prince's horse-sentinels, some of the rest escaping, gave a sudden alarum to their quarters, informing certainly that the enemy was at hand; but who they were, or what number, they could not distinguish, by reason of the darkness. Prince Rupert, nothing amazed at this unlooked for tidings, instantly drew forth his men into battalia on the plain, traversing those pieces of ordnance which [in order to form his batteries] he had unmounted, into the front of his battle: and leaving a sufficient guard in the trenches to secure his other ordnance and busy the townsmen, lest they should sally out during the fight. By this time it was clear day, when both the armies were in view one of another, both alike extended in wings, only theirs carried the greater length, because they were most horsemen and ours most foot. And so expecting when the cards should be dealt about in this fatal game of death, Sergeant Major Skippon, riding up to the head of his troops, delivered words to this effect:—

"'Gentlemen, countrymen, my good friends and fellow soldiers,—this is the first time I have ever had the honour to lead you on to any danger, and I wish it may be the last if Heaven be not pleased to permit me to bring you off", with as much honour and safety as I lead you on with innocence and courage. We are, gentlemen, engaged, the more the pity, not against any foreign enemy, but against domestic and intestine foes; who, how much nearer the relation is which naturally and nationally they have to us, that being broken, so much more deadly and desperate will be the enmity towards us; but for that, our own valours will be our securities, and the justice of our cause; we being to fight for our lives, our friends and liberties, against a race of vipers, that would eat the passage to their ambitions through the entrails of their mother, the Commonwealth. 'Tis for our King, our lives, and the parliament, we fight, gentlemen, and it were a dishonour to your valours to bid you be valiant. I know you are so; let us on, therefore, in Heaven's name, and either live conquerors for our country, or die its martyrs.'

"And so commanding his cannon, which was in the front, to be discharged, the Prince answering him in the same dialect of death, strove to break in upon the right wing of our forces; Serjeant Major Skippon invading his left. In this age, among so few men, hath not been seen a more well managed battle, neither side giving one jot of ground, but plying their business heartily with their carabines, petronels, and muskets; our dragoons doing most special service, who fighting, as it were, in rings, were not to be pierced by the Prince's troops, though they endeavoured it with all their fury and violence. For an hour, at least, in equal scale remained the conflict, only our dragoons killing at more distance and with surer destruction. There fell two to one of their soldiers; and that brave and experienced commander, Skippon, fighting, as it were in a diamond battle (according to the Swedish discipline), his men giving fire all at one instant on their left wing, they were no longer able to keep rank, but fell into apparent rout, retreating as fast as they could to their trenches; where the men, whom the prince had left, were all this while in hot service with the townsmen, who at last, by fine force, beat them out of their works, and just then had gained the bulwark where their four pieces of cannon were mounted, which now they turned upon themselves, killing the new-come runaways of the discomfited left wing by heaps, so that they found less safety in their flight than in fight, and therefore made back as fast as was possible, with the rest of their companions, to the main of the battle, which, with the right wing, was yet unbroken. Nay, Prince Rupert did so valiantly demean himself, and so desperate were the charges of his cavaliers, that had not Colonel Hurry, who commanded in our right wing, been an excellent soldier, he had run the imminent hazard of an utter defeat; but, repeUing blows with blows, and playing incessantly with his muskets and dragoons, he kept them out from breaking his ranks, till Serjeant Major General Skippon, with his victorious left wing, broke into the Prince's flank, himself, with his battle-axe, beating down many a cavalier to the ground. And now the Prince began to curse his destiny, and to think of flight, when the townsmen coming upon the backs of the malignants, and thundering death amongst them, all was in confusion; to proceed or to retreat was alike dangerous; so that then the Prince and his cavaliers, rallying themselves together, to the number of 3000 horse, broke a way through the end of our right wing, and fled whither their fears carried them; all their foot, to the number of 1500, being cut off, and 500, or very near, of their horse. Serjeant Major Skippon would not suffer his men to pursue them, being far unequal to their number in cavalry. There were recovered all the enemy's ordnance and carriages, with their baggage; the malignants hastening, as it is supposed, away towards Gloucester, and so to Shrewsbury. Of Serjeant Major General Skippon's forces there fell not much above a hundred and threescore; and of the townsmen, and their assistants, eighty persons. So great a victory, with so little loss, was Heaven pleased to confer on our party; for which, after due thanks given to the Giver of all conquests, in the field where the battle was fought, our force drew to Marlborough, where, as the preservers of their lives and fortunes, they were joyfully received by the inhabitants; their Commander general, valiant Skippon, intending from thence to pursue the cavaliers, and comply with the trust reposed in him by his Excellency and the High Court of Parliament."

The fate of the Marlborugh Prisoners

It is now time that we return to the unfortunate captives taken at Marlborough, who, torn from their families and casting a last lingering look on the smoking ruins of their once happy homes, were now being driven along to prison. Before quitting Marlborough 120 of them had been compelled to pass the night in a single stable, where lay a dead horse, and the stench became almost intolerable. The next day they commenced their march towards Oxford without having tasted any breakfast, and might have sunk from exhaustion had not a gentleman at Lambourn relieved them as they passed through that village; while some of them, who stooj>ed down to take up pieces of ice to quench their thirst, were struck over their faces by their drivers. John Franklyn, the member, they took to a tree before they left Marlborough, and threatened to hang him if he would not reveal where his money lay.

Who was the "gentleman at Lambourn" who thus ventured to testify his sympathy with the oppressed prisoners? It appears that John Hippisley, Esq., of Stonehouse, born about the year 1600, married Eliza, daughter and heiress of John Organ, Esq., of Lambourn. Whether or not his political opinions warrant his identification with the benevolent person in question, we cannot say; but it is certain that his nephew, Sir John Hippisley, ranger of Bushy Park, sided with the parliament when the war broke out, and was afterwards one of the commissioners for treating with the King. From Richard, second son of John Hippisley aforesaid, was descended the late Rev. Henry Hippisley, of Lambourn Place and Sparsholt House, both in Berks.

On arriving at Oxford they were all committed to the charge of the provost-marshal of the castle, by name Smyth, a man of relentless ferocity, who appears to have been quite uncontrolled in the management of his prisoners, and who subjected them to a long course of indignities and sufferings, the minute description of which it would be unnecessary to recapitulate. Suffice it to say, that scanty fare, confined rooms, and abominable filth, soon reduced them to a condition which we are accustomed to regard as peculiar only to a slave-ship. Under misery so intense and prolonged many of them at last sunk, and one of the victims was their heroic member, John Franklyn, who, though he fared better than some of his companions, died in July of the following year, a circumstance to which we shall again have to recur in the order of events.

 One day Sir James Pennyman wanting some seamen, Smyth brought a number of them down into a yard, to be inspected. On their way thither they passed by a room where several officers had washed their hands in the same basin, the contents of which the prisoners were glad to swallow. None of them could be induced to enlist under Sir James Pennyman. On another occasion Smyth brought them down in irons, at least as many of them as could walk, into the same yard, to undergo a lecture from Dr. Reeves, the King's advocate, who strenuously urged them to subscribe the 'Wiltshire Protestation.' Some of them venturing in reply to refer to their rights as citizens and to the claims of conscience, the provost exclaimed, "Hark ye! hark ye! they are a preaching!" and when they complained of want of food and all necessaries, Dr. Reeves put on his spectacles, and looking at them, observed, with a most humourous assumption of gravity, "Why, ye are all as fat as conies."

The compiler of the account of the siege gives the following account of the march to Oxford. "One thing I have omitted concerning their taking prisoners: that is, they carried into Oxford 190 or full 200 prisoners, to make their number great, as they thought: but as I said before, they carried scarce 120 out of Marlborough; and of them, not making matter whom they took. So as they pass through the country they take up men, they care not whom, to make up this number . . . some from the plough in the fields, some from their doors, as they came to look upon them as they passed. Some they pull out of their house, in the village where they dwelt, pretending they were Roundheads, or else had borne arms in Marlborough, or had done something or other for which they must go away prisoners. And in all the villages taking away horses, or goods, or whatsoever liked them; and where so ever they quartered, not paying one penny for horse's meat or man's meat which they spent, setting their horses into men's barns of corn, and making litter of some, and their horses eating the rest."

Their gaol allowance was stated to be one penny farthing a day, that is to say, one pennyworth of bread and a farthing can of beer; but Franklyn, the two Scots commanders, and Master Brown, were used somewhat better. Such as bought themselves out of captivity had to pay fines, in some cases, amounting to £20, and to take an oath (the same, no doubt, as that alluded to above under the title of the 'Wiltshire Protestation'); and they all proclaimed by their wretched aspect the sufferings they had undergone. John Bayly, of Marlborough, paid £200 as the fine for his son's liberation, but as the son persisted in abjuring the 'Wiltshire Protestation,' he was detained. The 180 taken at Marlborough were all confined in the Tower, which was so small that they had to lie one on another.

The Commons' Journal, 17th January, 1643, has the following entry: "Sir Neville Poole informed the House of the cruel usage of the poor prisoners taken at Marlborough; and Sir Neville was ordered to send up two or three of the said men to attest the fact." These two or three must have been some that had escaped from Oxford. About this same time was published a pamphlet, entitled 'The Prisoners' Report,' drawn up by a minister, one of their number who had escaped. In fact, the Dublin library contains no less than four distinct publications on this subject. The charge of cruelty was in all of them principally made against the provost-marshal. The King himself does not appear to be implicated. This reference to Charles's own conduct, is made for the purpose of adding a few remarks on a point in his character concerning which very opposite statements have been put forth.

It is affirmed by Lilly the astrologer, in his pamphlet, 'Monarchy or no Monarchy,' that "when the parliament had lost some of their men in the West, at Marlborough and the Devizes, and they were brought in a miserable condition, without hose or shoes, or scarcely clothes, into Oxford, as a triumph, he was content to be a spectator of their calamities, but gave neither order for their relief nor commands of ease of their sufferings; nay, it was noted by some there present, that he rejoiced in their sad afflictions."

Whitelock the memorialist has a similar passage, to the effect namely, that when the prisoners taken by Prince Rupert, at Cirencester, were driven to Oxford, tied together with thongs and almost naked, the King and his lords looked on them as they rode tlirough the streets to the donjon, and many smiled at their misery. A description is added of one young man among them who was set naked on the back of a horse, his wounds gaping, and his body streaked and stained with gore; yet he sat up with an undaunted courage and countenance: and when near the King, who did not express any compassion for him, a brawling woman seized the occasion to cry out, "Ah, you traitorly rogue, you are well enough served;" he with a scornful look replied, "You base "and instantly fell dead at the feet of Majesty.

Finally, we have the testimony (not a very worthy one certainly) of Humphrey Browne, who, when the King was brought to his trial, charged him with acts of cruelty similar to those stated above.

It will sufficiently adjust the balance of evidence if to the testimony of these prejudiced contemporaries, be added the opinion of the late Lord Nugent, who, himself descended from John Hampden, has written in defence of the patriot's views. He observes, "The accusation of hardness of heart urged" [against King Charles] "by Lilly and Whitelocke, is a charge single of its kind, and hinging upon minute and doubtful interpretations of his comportment on an occasion where, obviously, it was most liable to misrepresentation. There appears to be no other instance to countenance the notion that wanton cruelty ever stained a character, strongly marked as his was by warm and tender feelings in private life .... With a spirit strongly imbued with something chivalrous and heroic, he appears to have possessed every requisite of a perfect gentleman, except the most important,—truth and good faith. And he failed in these, because he had persuaded himself that they are not among the public duties of a Sovereign whose prerogative is in dispute." (Memorials of John Hampden, vol. i, p. 79.)

On the 2d of February the town of Cirencester was taken by assault, and subjected to the same outrages which had desolated Marlborough. One writer goes so far as to say, "I am confident they (it seems being grown more skilful in mischief) not only acted over, but out-did their former cruelties and spoil of Brentford and Marlborough. They spared not to plunder their best friends; for I can assure you some of the notorious malignants were the most notably plundered of all the town." (Relation of the taking of Ciceter, printed at London, 1642.)

4th February. In the Commons' Journals it is " Ordered, that the Earl of Pembroke shall have an order of protection of his chase of Albourn (Aldbourne), in Wilts, from destruction, or any spoil or waste, by the tumultuous and riotous assembling together of multitudes."

The Parliament's cause wore but a drooping aspect in Wiltshire on the opening of the new year. Bristol shewed signs of revolt, and was considered so much in danger that Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes (son to the Lord Say), who held a command at Devizes, was despatched thither to strengthen the garrison, and Sir Edward Hungerford found it necessary to bestir himself to recruit the Wiltshire forces with all speed. With this view, he invited Edmund Ludlow, Esq., of Hill Deverill, near Warminster, to come into the county, and raise a troop of horse in his (Hungerford's) regiment. Ludlow, whose name afterwards became so conspicuous as a regicide, was at this moment, with Lord Essex at Windsor, under whom he had served at Edgehill and Brentford. Having obtained permission, he met Sir Edward Hungerford at Devizes, and from thence rode to Salisbury, where they seized a quantity of horses and arms from some of the opposite party, and by these means equipped a portion of his men. The royalist papers assert that Sir Edward's main purpose in going to Salisbury was to secure the person of Sir George Vaughan, the high sheriff of the comity, but that failing in that, he subjected the inhabitants to many acts of spoliation, and compelled the city to ransom itself with a sum of £500, "with which he got back to Devizes as his surest fortress."

Ludlow meanwhile returned to head-quarters to report progress." (Mercurius Aulicus, 14th Feb., and Commons Journal.) Sir Edward Hungerford's position at Devizes soon became highly embarrassing, arising either from his own half-heartedness, or from a leaning which the inhabitants of that town began to manifest towards the royal cause. He wrote to the House to say that the works which Sir Edward Baynton had erected round Devizes were "so large and so great," that unless more men were placed at his command, he could not undertake to defend the place, should the cavaliers come, adding that it was nothing but the smallness of his forces which had prevented his rendering adequate relief at the late affair at Cirencester. {Mercurius Aulicus, 14th Feb., and other papers.) This letter did not give much satisfaction to the House, and several members took occasion to censure his conduct of affairs. He soon quitted Devizes, and the Perfect Diurnal 25th February, tells us the result. "The cavaliers have left Gloucester and gone into Wilts, making the like cruel usage they did in Gloucestershire; and it is said they have possessed themselves of the Devizes, and that Malmesbury is yielded to them; but the certain truth is not yet confirmed by any letter to the House, it being much to be wondered at that the Devizes should be so easily won, so well provided as it is with the Parliament's forces under Sir Edward Hungerford and Colonel Fiennes. But it is rather conceived that the chief aim of the cavaliers is at Salisbury, whither they have been oft times invited by the cathedral malignants."

On the first of March Sir Edward once more made his appearance at Devizes, where the militia were daily becoming more and more disorganized. He then summoned the townspeople, and the country around, to a rendezvous, and inquired of them whether or not they were willing to enter into a 'Declaration' to adhere to the parliament. They replied that they were afraid of the Gloucestershire cavaliers, and would have nothing to do with the said Declaration. "Then must I shift for my own safety," said Sir Edward; and he accordingly left the town in disgust, and repairing to his favourite resort, the city of Bath, proceeded to strengthen its fortifications.

Thus we see the tragedies of Marlborough and Cirencester were beginning to tell upon the provinces. The people of Devizes gave their money to the cavaliers, but they saved their town from pillage and fire. Immediately, upon Hungerford's desertion, Colonel Lunsford issued out of Malmesbury, and, without a blow, took possession of the town and castle of Devizes, in the name of the King. From this place alone he then raised £400, besides putting the whole of North Wilts under contribution; and the newspapers, in the King's interest, exultingly anticipated that since Devizes was won over, the entire county would soon be cleared out of rebels.

A proposition for a cessation of arms, which had been in agitation during the early months of this year, was now more strenuously urged by those few who really wished for a peace. It was proposed, inter alia, that the King's forces in Gloucestershire should confine themselves to Cirencester and Malmesbury, and another condition was that the Wiltshire forces should remain in quarters in Chippenham and Devizes; "but," adds the Kingdom'8 Weekly Intelligencer, "upon notice of the resolution at Windsor, the King's forces are gone to the Devizes." The fact was, it was no more a resolution at Windsor than a resolution at Oxford which stood in the way of peace. Both parties felt too confident in their strength to wish sincerely for a cessation of arms, and active measures went on just the same as ever. It happened, as might naturally be expected, that in several instances, men, who had engaged in the struggle without any great devotion to the principles in jeopardy, soon became disgusted with the cause, and were willing to make any concessions in order to regain their beloved security. It was, indeed, a time to try the true patriot. The Londoners were comparatively secure; but those who lived in the country, exposed to the alternate visitations of friends and foes, were soon made to drink the cup of affliction to its very dregs. "Poor Marlborough/' exclaims one journalist, writing in the following year, "which hast been so unhappy, to be so often possessed by such devouring beasts, how sad is thy condition, and how miserable the estate of many of thy neighbours: and oh, happy London! which hast not yet felt the piercing of the enemy's sword; how thankful should all thy inhabitants be to the Almighty, who hath so long guarded thee; and how ready should they be to commiserate the calamitous condition of other parts." [True Informer, 21 Dec. 1644.)

It need not, therefore, excite our surprise that some persons should have sought, at an early stage of the civil war, to avert the loss of their all by a timely submission. An example of this kind was furnished by a number of the citizens of Cirencester, though, unfortunately in their case, the restoration to the royal favour could do them, comparatively, but little good, for their good town was already sacked, and themselves probably prisoners. Their humble petition, acknowledging that it was their own errors which had "exposed them to the heavy effects of his Majesty's justly incensed army," may be seen at large in the history of that town, recently published by Mr. Thomas Philip Baily. It would be foreign to our purpose to travel any farther beyond the limits of North Wilts, and show to what extent the same example was adopted by other individuals of higher rank and better information. It must suffice to observe, that there is no record of any large class of the inhabitants of Marlborough, even though lying in fetters, consenting to occupy the same thankless position. During the seventeenth century, at least, if at no other period of their history, they played the part of men.

About this time a tract was published at Oxford, entitled 'A Letter from a Country Gentleman to a Member of the House of Commons, concerning the taking of Marlborough, printed at Oxford, by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, 1642-8;' the evident object of which was, by seeking to make it appear that this abandonment of the parliament's cause was becoming general throughout the country, to weaken the hands of their friends, and induce them to consent to ignominious terms of peace. The letter-writer personates one, who, having hitherto taken a most prominent part against the King's measures, is suddenly half-converted to loyalty, and endeavours to win over his friend and quondam associate to a similar course of action. He does not profess to belong to Marlborough, of which place he speaks by hearsay; but an incident with which the letter opens, seems intended rather to point to such a position as Devizes, and the alternate occupation of that place (related above), first by Hungerford's militia, and immediately after by Lunsford's troopers; though it is of small importance to attempt to identify the scenes of what is in part or wholly a forgery. Up to this point it all reads plausibly enough; but, throughout the rest of the performance, the veil of disguise is extremely transparent. The arguments are all those of a confirmed royalist, and can never for a moment be mistaken by any one at all conversant with the literature of the period for the course of reasoning adopted by a pariiamentarian, who was simply seeking to bring about a peace, who, in short, had been a sort of champion of Hampden's views till after hostilities had broken out. Such an one, we may readily conceive, might be sincerely desirous of bringing about an accommodation with the King, without instituting a regular defence of his conduct, as this writer does, and patronising the Star Chamber and ship-money.

Having said thus much, in order to show that the letter is not what it professes to be, it next becomes a question whether or not it can be traced to its real author. Now it so happens that there was then residing at Oxford, in the capacity of private secretary to the King, a writer, whose skill in literary forgeries has long been acknowledged. This was Edward Hyde, afterwards Lord Clarendon. Long before he wrote his General History of the War, which contains many illustrations of his art, as for instance in the imaginary debate on the 'Self-Denying Ordinance,' he was in the habit of constructing fictitious speeches of the members, and publishing them by the King's orders; and, as his biographer informs us, "he [Clarendon] was often wont to say, many years after, that he would be very glad if he could make a collection of all those papers, which he could never do, though he got many of them." [Clarendon's Life, page 59.)

'The Letter about the taking of Marlborough' looks extremely like one of these performances, as will appear to any one who is conversant with Clarendon's style, remarkable as that style is for its numerous involved parentheses, and spunout periods. The story, too, of the spy brought before Lord Wilmot, on the march to Marlborough, and the mode of taking the town, correspond with the accounts given in his large history, and found nowhere else. Lastly, it is to be observed, the work was printed at Oxford, that is to say, in the enemy's camp. But the reader must now judge for himself.

'A LetteR from a Country Gentleman to a Member of the House of Commons, concerning the taking of Marlborough." Printed at Oxford, by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University. 1643.'

"sir,—I have received your passionate letter, and must confess myself extremely moved by it, but not altogether your way. There is not an expression in the first part, to which my heart consents not. It is indeed a sad and miserable condition we are fallen into, to be weltering one in another's blood, before we know why we are angry; and to see our houses and towns fired, and our neighbours and friends taken prisoners by men who do not only speak the same language with us, but are of our own families and of the same (or seem to be of the same) religion; so that, as you say, you may well wonder how men, who take such different ways, can pretend they desire the same ends.

"I have thus far kept you company very willingly, with the same grief and amazement; but when you seem to lay this fault wholly upon the King and his followers, whom you accuse of great rapine, cruelty, and inhumanity, you must give me leave to dissent from you, upon such reasons as (if I have not forfeited the esteem I have had with you) will make some impression in you.

"You know how far I have always concurred with you; and, swayed by the singular regard I have had of your wisdom and integrity, given up much of my understanding to your authority; and upon that score, you know, have done somewhat my own judgment would not now warrant, very much to the service of the parliament, from whom I received public thanks; and therefore I had reason to expect more protection, at least less damage, from any forces maintained and employed by them, than from the King's army, with whom I could not but know myself to be in a just prejudice. And when you know now that I have been visited by the soldiers of both armies, you will believe me a competent reporter of their behaviours.

"It was my turn first to receive your troopers, three hundred of them being quartered at this town, no fewer than thirty disposed themselves to my house. I received them as friends, and you know I am not usually very ill provided for the entertainment of as good a company. Many of them were commanders, and undertook to tell me my affection was very eminent to the persons who employed them, so that I confess I looked for no other pressures from them than the charge of that night's receiving them.

"And 'tis true they left me the next morning, but so unhandsomely, that besides the insolence of finding fault and commanding all my servants, having used myself and my children with great pride and incivility, they spoiled more of my goods of all sorts than they had spent, though they must confess they wanted nothing but the honesty to deserve it; and pilfered and stole many things of value, telling me to my face that it was necessary to make that waste, that the cavaliers might be disappointed; and indeed, the night following, the cavaliers came, double the number, to my house, than had been there before, commanded only by the cornet of the troop, whereas of the other there were not fewer than ten officers, whereof four were captains. You will imagine, the trim usage I had from those who told me they came to defend me, had not left me courage to stand the shock of another entertainment of those who could not but hear somewhat of me which might expose me to their fury, at least would justify any excess towards me. I gave directions they should be as well treated as my store would bear, though, in truth, the vile licence of the forerunners had not left me ordinary provision for horse or foot; and withdrew myself to that honest parson's house, who disputed with you when you were last here, and was by him privately sheltered (though many soldiers were then with him too) from discovery.

"The company removed the next morning, and they were not gone two hours from my house before I returned thither, where I assure you I found all things as orderly, as unspoiled, as if my best friends had been my guests; and one of my servants told me that he had rather meet with one hundred cavaliers than ten roundheads. "lis true they had as good provision for themselves and their horses as could be made, which they received with so much civility to all my servants as if they thought themselves beholden to them for it, though it was much worse than had been given the day before; and departed without the least disorder.

"For the business of Marlborough, which you say was carried with so much fierceness and barbarity in firing and plundering the town, I believe you have not that relation so perfectly and ingenuously made to you as in truth the matter will bear. You must think my information is not partial on the King's part, when I receive it from one who fled to a friend's house of mine for shelter, and lost at least the value of £300 by the King's soldiers in that town.

"You know well how that town hath behaved itself all this year, in raising great sums of money against the King (for that the army which hath given him battle is not against him, can no longer be understood),1 in gathering and exercising soldiers, as if they defied any enemy; how they seized upon his majesty's provisions, bought and paid for by his commissary of the victuals for the supply of Reading, and would not suffer them to be carried thither. The King could not but think of reducing this place, and to that purpose sent the lieutenant general of his horse, a gentleman, whatever vote you please to pass upon him, of great reputation in the countries through which he passes, for his sober government of his charge, with instructions most suitable to his nature, that if his reception into that town was such as became them to give, he should suffer no violence to be exercised by the soldiers, but should bring away the arms which had been so ill used, and some seditious persons who had infected that place and put his majesty to that trouble; with some other directions that sufficiently expressed a care of that people and a willingness to believe them in the number of his subjects.

"When this piece of the army, the reputation of which might well have dispersed that rabble, by slow marches had brought itself within a little distance of the town, a fellow sent by the foolish knave Franklyn, who they say hath brought all this calamity upon a place he hath been long in spoiling, came to them with a ridiculous letter of advice, to a person of honour amongst them. The messenger, who might have expected worse usage, was brought before the lieutenant-general, who caused all the men to be ranged before him, then asked him whether he thought the strength of that town could resist that force. The fellow answered, it could not resist a quarter of that power. 'Get your ways, then,' said that gentleman, 'to your friends, and tell them what you have seen. If they throw down their arms and submit themselves to his majesty, they shall be used like friends and receive no prejudice by the soldiers; but if they make resistance and force us to enter the town in blood, it will not be in my power to preserve them.' The man returned, did his errand in the presence of him who gives me this account, and who immediately fled when he found the perverseness of that Franklyn would neither submit to the advice nor suffer it to be communicated to the rest of the town. When the army advanced, all possible resistance was made, and many soldiers of the King's dangerously wounded out at windows and from their works, insomuch as they were compelled to burn some houses in which musketeers were placed.

The writer is here alluding to the equivocal language adopted by the parliament in their manifestoes, in which, during the early part of the war, their hostile acts were always stated to be " in defence of the King and the parliament," the idea being that they fought only against his evil advisers. Cromwell rejected this sophistry when he declared he would as soon fire his i>istol at the King as at any of his followers.

"Think sadly [seriously] with yourselves how your army, which committed such outrages and plunderings in the poor city of Winchester, where the gates were opened to them and no show of resistance made by the people of that place, would have requited such opposition. Nay, was it ever known that after such contention, less than a slaughter of the enemy and a sacking of the town followed? Yet, as there was nothing of the first here, so there was so little of the other (and yet more, I believe, than the commanders could have wished), that they have only cause to curse those who drew such visitants to them.

"But no more of these particulars. Let us rather raise a compassion one towards another out of the consideration of these miseries, and to what height they will in a short time be improved, than contract a bitterness and hatred against those with whom we must live happily, if there be any hopes of happiness left for this poor kingdom.

"You will think this a strange dialect for me to use, whom you have known to concur with the fiercest men hi the fiercest resolutions; but if you were out of the House of Commons— where all arguments tending one way beget a general consent in opinion, and so whatever is thought easy is concluded lawful—and spent one month with me in the country (though you know it is a place was never fondly devoted to the King's command), you would observe a strange dejection in the spirits of the people, and, if I am not cozened, an inquisitiveuess by questions they did not use to ask,—Who raised arms first ?—Why they did it ?—What the Commonwealth wanted? —Whether the King hath denied anything it is not in his power to deny?" &c. &c.

In this strain the writer drives his weary argument through several mortal quarto pages, concluding with a recommendation to make an immediate compromise with the King; but the reader has doubtless had enough of it.

In pursuing the course of events so far as Marlborough is concerned, there is little to notice during the next two or three months. The inhabitants soon found it impracticable to maintain a system of defiance of the royal authority, and no subsequent attempt therefore seems to have been made to prevent the entrance of his forces. The trade of the place in consequence continued to fall off considerably, for marketdays were generally the occasions selected by the cavaliers for their expeditions to the town. On one of these they carried off some waggon-loads of cheese.

7th March, 1643. "A petition was read in the House of Commons, 'from the poor Marlborough and Ciciter prisoners/ confined at Oxford. A committee was named to sit on that subject and also on the charges made by one Master Bayly for two pieces of ordnance and ammunition supplied by him to the town of Marlborough." This entry has already been referred to. Two or three days after, about forty of these prisoners had the good fortune to make their escape by excavating a hole through their prison wall. This led them out into a baker's yard, and though it was broad daylight, they contrived to pass unobserved along several streets and through the fortifications of the city, swimming the river Isis, and thus escaping to London, where they related their sufferings. The parliament thereupon sent a despatch to Lord Essex, at Windsor, desiring him to enter into some negociation with the King for the relief of those remaining in captivity, or else to intimate that measures of retaliation would promptly be taken.

The following incident, occurring in the neighbourhood of this town, is extracted from the report of a correspondent of one of the London newspapers, dated 20th March:—

"Within two miles of Malmesbury lie billetted of the Welsh three hundred, which were to give notice to [the royalists iri] Malmesbury of Sir William Waller's coming j but whatever was the matter, they suddenly took to their heels, some running one way, some another, many without either boots or shoes, or stockings, or even clothes, and left their 300 horse behind them, besides much of their ragged clothes; all of which was done but last night. And I was present myself where I saw twelve cavaliers come to a place called Pewsey, about five miles from Malmesbury, on Saturday last, where they took a whole load of white cloth, six oxen, and three horses, and brought them to a village three miles from Marlborough. Then they went to stealing of horses, but the country people manfully opposed them with their club-law. On Monday those twelve cavaliers took also eight oxen from two men that were driving them towards London. They were hastening with them to Malmesbury, when they of Marlborough, hearing of their baseness, about a hundred men and women ran to a place called Ogbourn, two miles from the town, and overtook the cavaliers, and having one musket among their forks and halberds, they discharged that at them. So the cavaliers fled and left the wain-loads of cloth and the eight fat oxen to the inhabitants of Marlborough, who conveyed them to the owners. Cloth and oxen were valued at a thousand pounds." The 300 Welshmen were no doubt a portion of an army of 2000 raw levies raised by Lord Herbert, son of the Marquis of Worcester. Let us now for a moment trace the career of another commander, in order better to understand the nature of the above transaction.

During this spring, Sir William Waller was signalizing himself in the parliament's cause in various parts of Hants and Wilts. In the short space of little more than three months he made himself master of Winchester and Chichester, levied contributions in Salisbury, retook the town of Malmesbury from the royalists, then crossing the Severn at night, captured under the walls of Gloucester, the entire army of Lord Herbert above referred to; and advancing upon Hereford and Tewkesbury, surprized and took both their garrisons;—a train of successes so rapid and brilliant that he at once became the darling of the Londoners, and acquired the title of "William the Conqueror."

A body of royalists meanwhile, under Lord Hertford, Lord Lee, of Marlborough, and others, swept the south of Wiltshire, and formed a junction with Sir Ralph Hopton and Sir Bevill Grenville, who were raising the counties of Cornwall and Devon in support of the King. Their combined forces fought a doubtful battle with Waller's army at Lansdowne, near Bath, and then retreating upon Devizes, were closely pursued by the parliamentarian general, and there besieged for three days; at the end of which term, reinforcements under Lord Wilmot having arrived from Oxford for the relief of the beleaguered royalists, the brilliant affair of Roundway-Down immediately followed, which, resulting entirely in the King's favour, at once turned the tide against Sir William Waller, and sent him a fugitive to Bristol. That city also was in a few days surrendered to the King, and the royal cause again seemed paramount.

One portion of the reinforcements sent forward to the relief of the royalists in Devizes, was the regiment of the Earl of Crawford, who had charge of the ammunition. While lying at Marlborough, he found it necessary to exercise great rigour on the refractory population, who would not be deterred, even by the presence of so imposing a force, from resisting the impositions of his lordship's quarter-master. They so roughly handled that functionary, while in the exercise of his vocation, that the general, without more ado, selected one of their number who he declared had already been once pardoned by the King, and hung him up as an example to the town; at the same time committing the high constables and others who had been most active to the castle prison, until his majesty's pleasure concerning them should be known. Having accomplished this feat, he lost no time in hastening towards Devizes; but when near Beckhampton, he was suddenly set upon by a detachment of Waller's army, who were watching for his approach, and so thoroughly beaten, that he relinquished the whole of his ammunition and had some difficulty in escaping with a few of his mounted followers. (Clarendon, vol. iii. p. 227, and the newspapers.)

Waller's defeat at Devizes by no means alienated the Londoners from him. They wanted a general whose dashing performances and devotion to their service might be set off against the tardy and temporizing campaigning of Lord Essex, who was more than half suspected of seeking to make his private terms with the King. Accordingly, committee after committee met in London to urge the contribution of plate and money in the eastern counties for the recruiting of his army. A meeting was called in Merchant Taylors' Hall to urge by an overwhelming petition that all the land should rise as one man to crush the cavaliers. This meeting took place on the 19th of July, and on the following day a committee of the Commons adjourned to Grocers' Hall for the specific purpose of taking into consideration the best mode of refitting Sir William Waller. The result of all which was that he was speedily at the head of a numerous force. There was another thing which tended just now to exasperate the Parliament's friends against the King, and prompt them to measures of retaliation. On the very day of the meeting in Merchant Taylors' Hall, a most grievous petition was read to the House from the Marlborough prisoners who were still confined in Oxford castle, and whose condition, so far from having been ameliorated by the expostulations of Lord Essex, had been rendered so afflictive, whether by severity or neglect, that several of their number had died. Among these, Mr. Franklyn, one of the borough members, had fallen the last victim just as the prisoners had subscribed their petition. A pamphlet containing a renewed and more lengthened account of their sufferings was also published, extending through a period of twenty-three weeks. Their petition to the House was accompanied by another from the Assembly of Divines in London, expressive of their sympathy; and it was determined that both the Houses should shew the sense which they also entertained of the evil, by holding a fast thereon.